Thursday, October 25, 2007

Books on the Bats

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Here are some books on the Tsova Tush/Bats, courtesy of Prof. George Hewitt, Professor of Caucasian Languages at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, where he is also the Head of the Department of the Languages and Cultures of [the] Near and Middle East.
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The Cover

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Frontispiece

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and Chapters of A. Shavkhelishvili's History and Ethnography of the Tsova Tush/Bats. (Tbilisi 2001)
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Followed by a List of Songs and Poems to be found in a book by J. Longishvili
(he of "shatilis asulo" fame; Tbilisi 2001)
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And finally, a Batsbur-Georgian-Russian Dictionary, compiled by the Kadagidze Brothers. (Tbilisi 1984)
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Tuesday, September 4, 2007

Old Photographs of Batsbis in Tsovata

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These three photographs seem to have been sold as some sort of souvenir, perhaps of “A Visit to Tsovata”. The prints were framed with cardboard, and were almost certainly destined to be hung on walls. (The photographs may also have been taken as part of an ethnographic expedition, and have found their way onto people’s walls at a later date.)
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The photographs [web_mikeladze_]”01” and “46” were clearly taken in succession, as they share the same background, and the bearded figure standing in “01” is seated in “47”. Equally, the woman standing on the left in “01” can be seen standing on the right in “46”.
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To judge from the clothes and the apparent condition of the people photographed, the predominance of wood and stone (local slate) to the exclusion of any other building material, and the steep slope which can be seen in picture “01”, these photographs were most likely taken in situ in a Batsbi village – perhaps in Tsaro or Indurta.
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These clues, in addition to certain technical aspects of the photographs themselves (they are most likely long exposures on glass plates i.e. were taken with an old field-camera), point to a date somewhere in the late nineteenth century, perhaps in the 1880s or 1890s.
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The Batsbi Way of Death

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These three photographs seem to have been taken as records of Death, and the presence of a dead body in two of them is quite startling!
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Nothing is known about [web_mikeladze_]”30” beyond the fact that the photograph is clearly a particularly early one (1880s-1890s), but the picture – in common with photograph “44” – is an interesting illustration of the fact that one of the attributes of a Batsbi man in death seems to be the presence of a horse (his horse?) in the photograph. Robert Chenciner's book on Daghestan (1997) relates that the saddled horse present at a man's funeral or memorial is a remnant of Scythian horse burials! A race would be held, the winning horse being the one most suitable to carry the deceased man's spirit to Paradise...
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(The horse is on the far right, its neck and part of its head visible against the carpet. See also this previous post.)
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More is known about the scene in photograph “25”, as it has a detailed inscription on the back – The dead man is Ikako Utchilauri, murdered by Alexi Tsikhelishvili because he refused to lend the latter the princely sum of 3 rubles. The mourners are Ikako Utchilauri’s relatives and – somewhat surprisingly, perhaps! – relatives of Alexi Tsikhelishvili’s.
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The third photograph – “44” – is also an image taken following a Batsbi man’s death, but has an intriguing difference: the absence of a body. Either this photograph was taken to commemorate the death – at the end of a customary period of mourning, for example – or the man’s body was never found or could not be retrieved for burial. Present are the man’s mother, wife, two children, another man – perhaps the brother of the deceased, or that of his wife – and the man’s horse, saddled and ready to go, but the protagonist himself is missing, and is represented by an outfit of clothes, including knitted socks and gloves, which has been lain out upon a “nabadi” felt. (Note also that the left arm of the coat, where the hand would be, has been placed atop the knife.)
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Judging from the lie of the land in the background, and from the abundance of wood and clearing, this photograph was almost certainly taken in the Kakhetian lowlands, where the Batsbis had to cut down trees to clear the land and to use the wood for their new homes.
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Batsbur Language Consonant and Vowel Systems

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These tables were shamefully stolen from this page and this page of the University of Frankfurt's Titus Website. (You might like to use the IPA chart (PDF) as a reference. There are also sound recordings on this website.)
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Sunday, September 2, 2007

Batsbi Population


From 1803 to 1918, Georgia was a “gubernia”, a “governorship”, of the Russian empire. The Russian administration responsible for the Georgian province of Kakheti (and others, perhaps) carried out several population censuses during this period – in 1831, 1873, and 1886 – censuses which naturally also considered the population of Tusheti and therefore of Tsovata.

The census of 1831 registered 278 Batsbi households, some 1,531 individuals (5.5 per household). According to the census of 1873, the number of Batsbis was slightly higher – some 1,571, a 3% increase. And in 1886, a total of 1,533 Batsbis were registered , representing 337 families (4.5 individuals per family).

It would seem that the census of 1886 was much more comprehensive. In it we can discover that there were 49 villages in Tusheti as a whole, of which four were in Tsovata (and therefore inhabited by Batsbis): Indurta, Sagirta, Tsaro, and Etelta. The remaining 45 villages were inhabited by Georgian-speaking Tush – the so-called Tchaghma, Pirikiti, and Gometsari Tush – whose number was recorded as being 4,174 individuals representing 830 households, an average of 5 per household, and 2.7 times superior in number to the Batsbis.

This data is however complicated by the fact that scientific and ethnographic data accounts for another four Batsbi villages in Tsovata: Nazarta, Nadirta, Mozarta, and Shavtsqala. However, it is believed that these villages were largely abandoned in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, their inhabitants moving to the other four village mentioned above. In addition to this, the migration of the Batsbis from Tsovata to the Kakhetian lowlands took place during the first half of the nineteenth century, in the 1830s - The data of the 1908 census is the first to take into account this migration, the increase in numbers reflecting the relatively easier conditions of life in the lowlands.

Friday, August 31, 2007

Batsbi Fraternization, Marriage, and Traditional Justice

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The aliens in Tsova Tusheti [i.e. non-Batsbi strangers, individuals or families from other regions having settled among the Batsbis in Tsovata/Tsova Tusheti from neighbouring Khevsureti or Chechnya, for example] were frequently those seeking to escape blood feuds. They were accepted in the Batsbi community on certain conditions, and after a period of several years’ observation the host Batsbi village or community would collectively decide upon the status of the new arrivals, and upon the issue of their official assimilation into their host, Batsbi community. This assimilation can be described as a form of adoption, of fraternization, whereby strangers would be officially adopted by a Batsbi family or extended family, taking their name, and becoming full (and to a large extent equal) members of their adoptive community, with the same rights and obligations as all the other family members.

This official adoption would follow a precise ritual, which was to be performed in the “Sameba” (“Holy Trinity”) church [in Tsovata?] during the Whitsunday holidays, in which all the Batsbi villages took part. The stranger who was to be adopted [i.e. an individual migrant or the head of a family] would sacrifice a white bull to the church, and sacred beer would be brewed in the church, and all concerned and attendant would join in a great feast. After this ritual, a newcomer would be considered as a member of a particular Batsbi family, as full “blood brother” and kin, and would be under the protection of his adoptive family. This ritual being dependent upon the collective decision of the stranger’s host community, following several years’ observation, it stands to reason that in some cases the hosts would decide not to accept a stranger’s claim to fraternization, and, consequently, the ritual would not be held and the newcomers would be banished.

In the early twentieth century, among the Batsbis living in Zemo Alvani in the Kakhetian lowlands, a foreign herdsman by the name of Baramidze sought to become related to the local [Batsbi] Mikeladze family. The corresponding “bull ritual” was held, but, later on, a red stain was discovered on the sacrificed animal’s hide. After this event – which in any case cannot have been very popular with the local Russian administration – such processes of fraternization were stopped, and the bull ritual disappeared.

A White Bull destined to be sacrificed during a peace conference [i.e. fraternization] between the Dinka and Nuer tribes in the Sudan in 1999.

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Conjugal unity was considered to be sacred – Unfaithfulness was extremely shameful, disgraceful, and would have been an extremely rare occurrence, particularly among such small, mountain communities. Traditional habitual justice provided for severe punishments for rape, adultery, promiscuity, or other forms of extra-marital sexual relationships. A rapist would be executed, and the husband of an unfaithful wife could punish her by disfigurement, such as shaving her head or cutting off her nose or an arm; public indignation would also cause individuals deemed to be at fault to be shunned by the community. However, some ethnographers have stated that bigamy existed among the Batsbis: In marriages where the wife was found to be sterile, after a period of several years she herself would set out to look for another wife for her husband, in order to provide him with an heir.

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As late as the early twentieth century, Batsbi society was to a large extent regulated through traditional, habitual justice.

For depriving someone of an arm or an eye, the guilty person had to pay 120 bulls. For breaking a tooth, 3 cows. For kidnapping a woman, the punishment would have been excommunication, banishment and exile, or death. Until the twentieth century, ransom for murder or manslaughter was common in Tusheti: A certain sum had to be paid in copper pots or salt [i.e. extremely valuable commodities unobtainable in the region]. If a person guilty of killing someone – whether intentionally or by accident – was unable to pay the decreed ransom, he and his family would have had to flee their home, for he (and his nearest relatives) would have been at risk until the age of 60!

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This information was taken from Roland Topchishvili's article on the Tsova-Tush/Bats people. Prof. Topchishvili is Professor of Ethnology at the Javakhishvili Institute of History of the Georgian Academy of Sciences, and is a specialist in the ethnography of Georgia and other Caucasian regions.

Batsbi Weaving

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Here are some pictures relating to Batsbi carpets and felt, cropped from other photographs on this website.
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-The upper transversal bar of a very large upright loom (see image immediately above)
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A Batsbi "Nabadi" (pressed felt)

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A beautiful "buteh" pattern. (See identical carpet in previous post)

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Monday, August 27, 2007

Some Bats Links

From "The Red Book of the Peoples of the Russian Empire"
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From Wikipedia: the Bats people, and the Bats language

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From the University of Frankfurt's
"ECLING" Project (Endangered Languages in Georgia)
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From
Ethnologue
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From the Volkswagen Foundation's
"DOBES" Programme (documentation of endangered languages)
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From the University of Graz's Languages of the World Server
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From Roland Topchishvili's Article on the National Parliamentary Library of Georgia Website
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From the "Europe and North Asia" Chapter of the
Encyclopedia of the world’s endangered languages
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(Any more submissions would be very gratefully received!)
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Sunday, August 26, 2007

The Batsmobile

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A picture of "the Batsmobile" - i.e. a Lada Niva 4x4 full of Batsbis - and three of the Road to Tusheti: looking down towards Kakheti from the Abanos Pass; an Abandoned Electrical Pylon on the Pass itself; and looking down towards Tusheti.
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Tuesday, August 14, 2007

Etymological Dictionaries

Have you ever wanted to look up the etymology of a High East Cushitic word? Is the origin of a term in West Central Khoisan still a mystery to you? Are you one of the 0.002 people per day who wonder what the verb "to smear" is in Proto-Lezgi? Do you sometimes ask yourself what the correspondences of Nostratic affricatives are like? Then these databases are for you!

Thursday, August 9, 2007

Photographs of Tsovata during Dadaloba


Apologies for the appalling quality of these photographs - The delicate Japanese electronics of my camera didn't like being left out in the rain. (For the full, boring, yet tragic story, please see
this previous post. And for some nicer photographs - courtesy of Pridon Beroshvili at Indurta.com - please click here!)


The Draw to decide who the next "Shulta" Families will be.


The Classic View of Indurta.


A Double Rainbow in the Evening Sky over Jvarboseli.


A young Caucasian Sheepdog in the Tsovatistsqali Valley.


Sheltering from the Sun in Indurta.


The Supra (Feast) for Dadaloba, with the Men's Khati in the Background.


Peto.


The Men's Khati (Church) in Tsovata.


Preparing for the Feast.


Leftovers.


The Women's Khati (Church) in Tsovata.


The Skyline in Tsovata at Dusk.


The Guesthouse in Jvarboseli.


Tusheti as seen from the Abanos Pass.




From Jvarboseli to Tsovata by Satellite

The Route from Jvarboseli to Indurta.

Monday, August 6, 2007

A Few Words on the Origins of the Bats People


As their two different names indicate, the Tsova-Tush/Bats are Georgians, sharing all the characteristics of their Georgian neighbours in Tusheti, and yet are profoundly different by virtue of their second, Nakh language (i.e. from the Nakh branch of Caucasian languages - See the language's lineage here.)

There is no definite information as to the origins of the Tsova-Tush/Bats. Most observers can agree upon the fact that they migrated to Tushetia in the mountains of north-eastern Georgia several centuries ago, and that they previously lived in Vainakh lands. ("Vainakh", "our people", i.e. Chechnya or Ingushetia.) This seems to me the most likely theory. A relatively detailed and complete account of the migrations of the Tsova-Tush/Bats people, based upon a story related by an elderly (b.1928) inhabitant of Zemo-Alvani, goes as follows:

"Six shepherds who lived in villages in the Georgian lowlands - one from the village of Matani, at the southern end of the Pankisi Gorge, and the others from the region of Kiziqi - stayed in the Gometsi Gorge of Pshavi [a mountainous region of north-eastern Georgia] for a long time, searching for better pastures for their flocks of sheep. A man named Sveluri joined them in Pshavi, and told them of a certain Jarieri Gorge in Ingushetia, which he said was rich in excellent pastures. The Georgian shepherds, interested by his account of this distant gorge, moved there with their flocks and families, and settled in Ingushetia permanently. Years later, they began to intermarry with the local Ingush people, and the Ingush language [like Chechen, a Nakh language] naturally became the native tongue of their descendants. After having lived in Ingushetia for a long time, the successors of the Georgian migrants were forced to leave their village and seek out a new home and new pastures. [The Tsova-Tush/Bats claim to this day that their ancestors were forced to leave Ingushetia/Chechnya to escape forced conversion to Islam; an Ingush narrative accounts for their departure on grounds of a dispute over pasture property-rights.] They left Ingushetia and spent several years wandering from place to place in Chechnya, then in Tianetia [another mountainous region of north-eastern Georgia], finally settling in the villages of Chontio, Girevi, and Hegho in northern Tushetia [in Pirikiti Tushetia]. After several years there, they moved to the nearby Tsovatsqali Valley, which became "Tsovata", the homeland of the Tsova-Tush/Bats people."
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This information was taken from Roland Topchishvili's article on the Tsova-Tush/Bats people. Prof. Topchishvili is Professor of Ethnology at the Javakhishvili Institute of History of the Georgian Academy of Sciences, and is a specialist in the ethnography of Georgia and other Caucasian regions.

Tuesday, May 29, 2007

Zezwaoba - Dalaoba


The 2007 "Zezwaoba" ("the day of Zezwa [Prindauli]") was held last Sunday 27 May in Kvemo- and Zemo-Alvani.

At 12:00, a score horsemen set out from the [Chaghma-] Tush village of Kvemo-Alvani, and rode the 4 kilometres which separate their village from the [Tsova-/Bats] Tush village of Zemo-Alvani.

One of their number bore the Tush "drosha" ("flag"), a large, purple silken flag attached to a spiked wooden staff, the staff's crown bearing five multicoloured woollen socks, and two cloth streamers (one white, one red).

The group consisted of 6 (relatively-elderly) men, and a dozen or so wild-eyed Tush youngsters. The men were singing the traditional song which marks this occasion - the so-called "dalai".

In Zemo-Alvani, early preparations had been made to receive the cavalcade (which was initially expected to arrive at 10:00, but this being Georgia they were three hours late):


On the steps of the abandoned Soviet "dom kulturi" ("house of culture", i.e. cultural centre) lay a "pardaghy" (a "kilim"-type carpet), and placed upon the carpet were salt, bread (bearing three beeswax candles), sheep's cheese, barley (for the horses), wine and beer with glasses and two large "khantsi" drinking-horns, a small bundle of wool, and strips of white cloth.


Considering the late arrival of the horsemen, things were pretty quiet in Zemo-Alvani. A small group of listless men (including the author) hung around on the steps or in the shade of a large tree, and anxiously awaited the riders.


Three hours and several false alarms later ("they are coming"; "they left ten minutes ago and will be there in five", "my friend called me and said that they were on their way", etc.), we heard the sound of singing and horses' hooves clattering on the asphalt, and suddenly the group was upon us! They galloped along the road, the purple "drosha" glinting in the sun, the singing growing louder and louder, and wheeled towards our motley group without slowing down, pulling up abruptly at the carpet's edge. The sound of their arrival was one of the most impressive events the author has ever witnessed.

Immediately, they were handed glasses and the horns of wine, and ceremoniously greeted to the Zemo-Alvani carpet. Having drunk their glasses (and poured the remainder of their drinks onto their horse's rump or neck), they sang the first of three "dalai" songs [I hope to soon put a recording on this site]. Then, having eaten their bread and sheep's cheese, the sang the second "dalai", upon which their horses were fed handfuls of barley. Followed the third "dalai", and the strips of white cloth were knotted to the horses' bridles. And barely thirty minutes after having arrived - the "Dalaoba" part of the festival being finished - they were off again, back to Kvemo-Alvani to prepare for the traditional Zezwaoba "doghi" (horse race).


Having followed them (by BMW, much to the author's regret), we arrived on the main square of Kvemo-Alvani, where two hundred or so people had gathered to await the arrival of the riders who were taking part in the race. The "start" was six kilometres away, in a field(?) called Takhtis Bogiri, the winner being the rider who touched the "drosha" first, which was held by a Tush man in the middle of the road.

After another seemingly-interminable wait, the riders were spotted at last, galloping towards the square! The winner was ten year-old Lasha Gagoidze on his horse Kazbega, and he was presented with the traditional gift of a ram, which was rather unceremoniously draped (trembling for all it was worth) in front of him - where the pommel of his saddle would have been, had he actually had a saddle.


A remarkable fact is that only a few of the riders sat on saddles and used stirrups: Most of them rode bareback, or on a saddle-cloth, often finely-embroidered. Holding the staff bearing the "drosha", he rode around the assembled crowd to much applause.


Barely fifteen seconds after Lasha came two other riders, equally-young. One of these horses stumbled and fell exhausted to the ground, and was promptly manhandled to the side of the road, out of the way of the other riders.

Valiant and increasingly-desperate (but somewhat brutal - the Tush do not pamper their horses!) attempts were made to revive and reanimate the poor beast.

These included, in order: kicking the horse's chest and stomach; repeatedly jumping with joined feet on its chest; cutting the horse's septum [the piece of cartilage which separates the nostrils] with a knife; inserting a short stick of some sort deep into each nostril (presumably to remove any blockage); pouring a bottle of fizzy Georgian water down its throat; something akin to heart massage; inserting a piece of spiky grass up its penis; and even a young boy washing his arm with soapy water and venturing deep into the horse's rear. (I am not quite sure what the latter two operations were supposed to achieve).

But unfortunately all to no avail, and the poor animal was manhandled onto a Kamaz truck which bore it away.


And after "Zezwaoba" ("the day of Zezwa"), late at night, comes "Jejwaoba" ("the day of fist-fights"), for every self-respecting Tush is blind drunk, but the author did not witness this!
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Should you want to read more about the ritual of doghi horse races, please visit this page.
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