Showing posts with label bats caucasus zemo alvani sakartvelo georgia alazani kakheti tush tushetia chechen kist ingush nakh vainakh tsova bats batsbur. Show all posts
Showing posts with label bats caucasus zemo alvani sakartvelo georgia alazani kakheti tush tushetia chechen kist ingush nakh vainakh tsova bats batsbur. Show all posts

Sunday, September 2, 2007

Batsbi Population


From 1803 to 1918, Georgia was a “gubernia”, a “governorship”, of the Russian empire. The Russian administration responsible for the Georgian province of Kakheti (and others, perhaps) carried out several population censuses during this period – in 1831, 1873, and 1886 – censuses which naturally also considered the population of Tusheti and therefore of Tsovata.

The census of 1831 registered 278 Batsbi households, some 1,531 individuals (5.5 per household). According to the census of 1873, the number of Batsbis was slightly higher – some 1,571, a 3% increase. And in 1886, a total of 1,533 Batsbis were registered , representing 337 families (4.5 individuals per family).

It would seem that the census of 1886 was much more comprehensive. In it we can discover that there were 49 villages in Tusheti as a whole, of which four were in Tsovata (and therefore inhabited by Batsbis): Indurta, Sagirta, Tsaro, and Etelta. The remaining 45 villages were inhabited by Georgian-speaking Tush – the so-called Tchaghma, Pirikiti, and Gometsari Tush – whose number was recorded as being 4,174 individuals representing 830 households, an average of 5 per household, and 2.7 times superior in number to the Batsbis.

This data is however complicated by the fact that scientific and ethnographic data accounts for another four Batsbi villages in Tsovata: Nazarta, Nadirta, Mozarta, and Shavtsqala. However, it is believed that these villages were largely abandoned in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, their inhabitants moving to the other four village mentioned above. In addition to this, the migration of the Batsbis from Tsovata to the Kakhetian lowlands took place during the first half of the nineteenth century, in the 1830s - The data of the 1908 census is the first to take into account this migration, the increase in numbers reflecting the relatively easier conditions of life in the lowlands.

Friday, August 31, 2007

Batsbi Fraternization, Marriage, and Traditional Justice

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The aliens in Tsova Tusheti [i.e. non-Batsbi strangers, individuals or families from other regions having settled among the Batsbis in Tsovata/Tsova Tusheti from neighbouring Khevsureti or Chechnya, for example] were frequently those seeking to escape blood feuds. They were accepted in the Batsbi community on certain conditions, and after a period of several years’ observation the host Batsbi village or community would collectively decide upon the status of the new arrivals, and upon the issue of their official assimilation into their host, Batsbi community. This assimilation can be described as a form of adoption, of fraternization, whereby strangers would be officially adopted by a Batsbi family or extended family, taking their name, and becoming full (and to a large extent equal) members of their adoptive community, with the same rights and obligations as all the other family members.

This official adoption would follow a precise ritual, which was to be performed in the “Sameba” (“Holy Trinity”) church [in Tsovata?] during the Whitsunday holidays, in which all the Batsbi villages took part. The stranger who was to be adopted [i.e. an individual migrant or the head of a family] would sacrifice a white bull to the church, and sacred beer would be brewed in the church, and all concerned and attendant would join in a great feast. After this ritual, a newcomer would be considered as a member of a particular Batsbi family, as full “blood brother” and kin, and would be under the protection of his adoptive family. This ritual being dependent upon the collective decision of the stranger’s host community, following several years’ observation, it stands to reason that in some cases the hosts would decide not to accept a stranger’s claim to fraternization, and, consequently, the ritual would not be held and the newcomers would be banished.

In the early twentieth century, among the Batsbis living in Zemo Alvani in the Kakhetian lowlands, a foreign herdsman by the name of Baramidze sought to become related to the local [Batsbi] Mikeladze family. The corresponding “bull ritual” was held, but, later on, a red stain was discovered on the sacrificed animal’s hide. After this event – which in any case cannot have been very popular with the local Russian administration – such processes of fraternization were stopped, and the bull ritual disappeared.

A White Bull destined to be sacrificed during a peace conference [i.e. fraternization] between the Dinka and Nuer tribes in the Sudan in 1999.

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Conjugal unity was considered to be sacred – Unfaithfulness was extremely shameful, disgraceful, and would have been an extremely rare occurrence, particularly among such small, mountain communities. Traditional habitual justice provided for severe punishments for rape, adultery, promiscuity, or other forms of extra-marital sexual relationships. A rapist would be executed, and the husband of an unfaithful wife could punish her by disfigurement, such as shaving her head or cutting off her nose or an arm; public indignation would also cause individuals deemed to be at fault to be shunned by the community. However, some ethnographers have stated that bigamy existed among the Batsbis: In marriages where the wife was found to be sterile, after a period of several years she herself would set out to look for another wife for her husband, in order to provide him with an heir.

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As late as the early twentieth century, Batsbi society was to a large extent regulated through traditional, habitual justice.

For depriving someone of an arm or an eye, the guilty person had to pay 120 bulls. For breaking a tooth, 3 cows. For kidnapping a woman, the punishment would have been excommunication, banishment and exile, or death. Until the twentieth century, ransom for murder or manslaughter was common in Tusheti: A certain sum had to be paid in copper pots or salt [i.e. extremely valuable commodities unobtainable in the region]. If a person guilty of killing someone – whether intentionally or by accident – was unable to pay the decreed ransom, he and his family would have had to flee their home, for he (and his nearest relatives) would have been at risk until the age of 60!

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This information was taken from Roland Topchishvili's article on the Tsova-Tush/Bats people. Prof. Topchishvili is Professor of Ethnology at the Javakhishvili Institute of History of the Georgian Academy of Sciences, and is a specialist in the ethnography of Georgia and other Caucasian regions.

Thursday, August 30, 2007

More Old Photographs

These photographs here courtesy of the Mikeladze sisters, who generously brought out several African carrier bags of old photographs and let me pick out these (and other) pictures to copy them at my leisure during my latest stay in Zemo Alvani (27-30 August). All of the photographs are numbered on the back, and many of them are labelled, as they were destined to be exhibited in a small museum in Zemo Alvani dedicated to Batsbi history and culture, which – alas! – never saw the light of day for lack of funding. The Author was also shown several old examples of traditional Batsbi carpets and some undatable funerary urns, all duly photographed, the photographs being destined to appear on this website very soon.

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This photograph was taken as a record of the Batsbi/Tsova-Tush men who fought on the Russian side against the Ottoman Turks during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-8. Note that many of the Batsbi fighters are still wearing chain-mail! (See also this photograph of two warriors.)

Historically, Batsbi men who left Tsovata to fight – against the Persians down in Kakheti, for example – each left a white stone on a mountain pass close to the source of the Alazani River. (The Batsbis in Tsovata could muster around 500 fighting men, approximately a third of the total population.) When they returned from the war, each man removed a stone; thanks to this system, rapid tallies could be made of how many men left, and of how many returned.
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Batsbis at a “khati”, a shrine, near the village of Dano in Pirikiti Tusheti (the home of Lela Tataraidze, a famous Georgian singer, described to the Author as “Tusheti’s Jennifer Lopez”.) Note the presence of the sacrificial sheep, and that the “khantsi”, the drinking horns, are linked by a length of chain or string, as are the two beakers in the background.
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Two Batsbi (or Khevsur?) warriors, wearing chain-mail, and armed with muskets, sabres, daggers, and small shields. The man on the right seems to have chain-mail on his trouser legs as well, or perhaps merely chain-mail kneepads.
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